40 Jahre Partikelforschung/40 Years of Particle Research Bern, 11.-13. Februar 2009 Abstract |
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Daniel Gutzmann (Mainz) This talk explores whether there is a connection between MPs and verum focus (Höhle 1992) that may provide a solution to these riddles. The starting point is the observation that stressed MPs cannot occur in sentences which already exhibit verum focus. In a context, in which the addressee has said (1), either verum focus (2) or a stressed MP is licensed (3), but not both (4). (1) A: David smells as if he is a zombie. (2) S: David IST ein Zombie. David is a zombie 'David IS a zombie.' S': Ich denke, DASS David ein Zombie ist. I think that David a zombie is 'I think THAT David is a zombie.' (3) S: David ist JA ein Zombie. David is MP a zombie 'David is JA a zombie.' S': Ich denke, dass David JA ein Zombie ist. I think that David MP a zombie is 'I think that David is JA a zombie.' (4) S: *David IST JA ein Zombie. David is MP a zombie “David IS JA a zombie.” S': *Ich denke, DASS David JA ein Zombie ist. I think that David MP a zombie is 'I think THAT David is JA a zombie.' Data like this suggests that there is a close connection between stressed MPs and verum focus. The aim of this talk is to explicate this connection. My hypothesis is that the contribution of a stressed modal particles is nothing more than the contribution of its unstressed variant plus the contribution of verum focus. In order to illustrate this, I look at the interaction between these two phenomena with sentence mood, because both verum and MPs are closely related to the sentence mood operators of the sentence in which the occur. Following Truckenbrodt (2006a,b), the different sentence moods are composed out off deontic and epistemic operators. Furthermore, with Romero & Han (2004), I assume that verum focus realizes a verum operator that attaches to the epistemic sentence mood operator. In contrast, an MP like ja adds an independent condition to the overall meaning of the sentence. Now, in the case of stressed JA, verum attaches not to any sentence mood operator but to ja itself. Given this assumptions, I could account for the observation that stressed MPs are impossible if there is already verum focus present in a sentence. Furthermore, the different interpretation of (2) and (3) can be accounted for. To provide a more explicit formalization of the idea that JA is just ja plus verum, and to extend the analysis to other MPs and sentence types, I make use of a logic that – adapting some of the tools developed in Potts 2005 – formalizes Kaplan’s (1999) idea of introducing use conditions into semantic theory. Concluding the talk, I show how this way of thinking about the meaning of verum and MPs can make the right predictions regarding the question of which MPs can be stressed and which cannot. References
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